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Turning New Page in Arab-American Affairs?



The short pause in the almost century-long relationship between the United States and Middle East allies was, perhaps, necessary for all involved parties to realize and appreciate the extent of their interdependence and compatibility. On his first visit, as U.S. president, to the Middle East, in mid-July, Joseph Biden exhibited wisdom and courage by clearly admitting that his initial policy “to pivot away from the Middle East had been a mistake.” By doing so, Biden did not only rebuild trust with regional leaders, but he also restored, in a heartbeat, the glorious image of democratic America in the hearts and minds of ordinary people in the region.


For the past six years, the absence of the traditional image of America enabled the rise of the Russian and Chinese influence on the region and killed the momentum of democratic change that over-swept the region a decade ago. President Biden’s re-commitment to the Middle East, with a fair understanding of the new reality of the region under the reshuffling world order, promises a better-off future for Middle Eastern countries, as well as for the United States and Western allies.


In his remarks to the GCC+3 Summit, in Jeddah, President Biden confirmed that the United States will continue to engage in the Middle East affairs, as the main partner. “As the world grows more competitive and the challenges we face more complex, it is only becoming clearer to me that – how closely interwoven America’s interests are with the successes of the Middle East;” Biden confirmed to the participants of the GCC+3 Summit. “We will not walk away and leave a vacuum to be filled by China, Russia, or Iran. And we’ll seek to build on this moment with active, principled American leadership.”


Historically, the success of the United States foreign policy, as well as a great deal of its domestic policy, has mostly been dependent on positive engagement by Middle East allies, especially those with geo-political advantages, like Egypt and Israel, or those with economic supremacy, such as the Arab Gulf states. The energy crisis that has been overwhelming our world since the eruption of the Russia-Ukraine war, in February, is living proof of this. It is not a secret that securing energy resources is one of the main issues that compelled the return of the current American President to the region. Since the beginning of the Russian invasion, the United States has been pressuring Saudi Arabia and the UAE to increase their oil production to help suppress the spiking prices of energy products in Europe. Last month, Egypt and Israel signed a historic agreement on trade, transport, and export of natural gas with the European Union.


In parallel, the angle of Middle East security, either on regional or domestic levels, has always been drawn by the compass of defense policies adopted by consecutive dwellers of the White House. In his meeting with Arab leaders in Jeddah, President Biden asserted that “For the first time since 9/11, an American President is visiting [the Middle East] without American troops being engaged in a combat mission in the region.” Yet, Biden reiterated the U.S. continued commitment to fighting against the terrorist organizations that have been wreaking havoc, all over the region, for years.


“We maintain both the capacity and the absolute determination to suppress the terrorist threat wherever we find it… We’re going to continue our counterterrorism efforts working with a broad coalition of countries, including everyone around this table;” Biden reiterated to Arab leaders. This important statement was one of the early points that Biden successfully scored in his quest to revive the bond of trust with regional leaders. It explains the logic behind the American forces’ hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan, only six months after Biden assumed office, exposing Arab countries, in the Gulf and the levant regions, to huge security threats.


Another important issue that motivated Biden’s visit to the region is rescuing the lost popularity of his administration and democratic party before the mid-term elections in congress, in November. The curve of Biden’s approval ratings has been declining, over the recent months, threatening a serious downfall of the Democratic Party in the coming house and presidential elections. Though it seems, Biden and his team did not allow their worries about the party’s stance in the elections to distract them from focusing on the main goal of the visit, which will serve the American nation for the long term – that is; winning Middle East leaders, and all the good they can offer, to his side, while re-establishing U.S. position as the most influential superpower in the world.


Contrary to what the far leftists, who comprise the majority of Biden’s electoral constituency wanted, Biden chose to do business with the leaders of Saudi Arabia and Egypt, rather than marginalizing or penalizing them. It is practically impossible for an American leader – any American leader – to do that, regardless of his dissatisfaction with their performance on human rights. In an opinion article, published in the Washington Post, one week before he came to the Middle East, President Biden explained to his critics that the U.S. can't progress with its international goals, without positively engaging with the Middle East.


“I know that there are many who disagree with my decision to travel to Saudi Arabia. My views on human rights are clear and long-standing, and fundamental freedoms are always on the agenda when I travel abroad, as they will be during this trip;” wrote Biden in an opinion article. “As president, it is my job to keep our country strong and secure… To do these things, we have to engage directly with countries that can impact those outcomes. Saudi Arabia is one of them, and when I meet with Saudi leaders on Friday, I will aim to strengthen a strategic partnership going forward that’s based on mutual interests and responsibilities, while also holding true to fundamental American values.”


The far leftists, who went as far as describing Biden’s trip to Saudi Arabia as a “betrayal to American values,” are even more angry after the completion of Biden's visit. Their lobbying efforts against particular Arab leaders had gone to waste. President Biden laughed with the Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammed Bin Salman, and called the Egyptian President, El-Sisi, a “valuable friend.” He, also, offered financial aid and strategic support to enhance the performance of the Egyptian state in handling the economic crisis and related regional conflicts.


A large portion of such lobbyists are ridiculously blinded by an idealist rhetoric that is too detached from the reality of the Middle East. Human rights and democratization are extremely important for the Arab people. That is why the Arab Spring revolutions erupted, in the first place. Yet, the calls for weakening Arab states and penalizing Arab leaders are not going to serve the purpose of improving human rights conditions in the region, at all. On the contrary, it may backfire in a way that hurts the U.S. and the West as much.


Contrary to the claims widely promoted in media by Biden’s critics, the new relationships that he has built with Arab leaders will enable him to work better with them on improving human rights conditions and taking actual, rather than artificial, steps towards allowing democratization to progress in their countries. Biden is a democratic president, which makes questioning his unconditional commitment to human rights and democratization a silly joke.


In that regard, we should not ignore the fact that, over the past five years, the political Islamist groups operating from the U.S. have deeply infiltrated the American far leftist groups, under the flag of human rights. They include many of Muslim Brotherhood members and sympathizers, who resorted to the U.S. after their purge from Egypt, and other Arab countries, in 2013. They are abusing the political power of the far left in America, to take revenge on certain Arab leaders, who had been active in smashing the Muslim Brotherhood, in the past few years – particularly, the Egyptian, Saudi, and UAE leaders.


The good news is that President Biden and his team have, finally, decided to shake off this unprofitable approach towards the countries of the Middle East, and rather focus on re-engaging and re-collaborating for the good of all. “From the start, I aimed to reorient – but not rupture – relations with [Saudi Arabia] that’s been a strategic partner for 80 years;” wrote Biden in the Washington Post op-ed.


The biggest achievement that Biden has accomplished in the Middle East, earlier this month, was effectively laying a solid foundation for the ‘personal diplomacy’ dynamic that works perfectly with the mindset of the leaders of the region, especially the Arabs. The global energy and food crises, the threat of Iran on Arabs and Israel, and the U.S. rivalry with Russia and China must have been unavoidable topics on the agenda of the GCC+3 Summit, in Jeddah. However, it was clear that Biden’s main goal from the visit was to regain the trust of the regional leaders in his administration, and thus win them to his country’s side, so the West could benefit from what they could offer to solve the current world troubles, especially the soaring energy crisis. That was, particularly, clear in the friendly one-on-one conversations that Biden convened with the leaders of Saudi Arabia, UAE, Iraq, Egypt, Israel, and even the Palestinians. President Biden has successfully accomplished this goal. To compensate for his eighteen months of absence, Biden has successfully hit open more than one Pandora's box on his first Middle East tour to show that the United States is still the most influential partner in the region.


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